CURRENT MOON

Thursday, April 28, 2016

White Cosmic Dog/ White Self-Existing Wnd - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 25







The Mission to the Manso was established in 1659.
 The mission built by the Manso still exists and is located in downtown Ciudad Juarez, Mexico.




The Manso Indians are an indigenous people who lived along the Rio Grande, near Las Cruces, New Mexico, from the 16th to the 17th century, and were the one of the groups settled at the Guadalupe Mission in what is now Cd. Juarez, Mexico. Some of their descendants remain in the area to this day.

The Mansos were semi-nomadic hunter-gatherers who practiced little if any agriculture although farming Indians lived both upstream and downstream from them. They had a life style similar to the Suma and Concho Indians who lived nearby.

Only a few words of their language were recorded. Various theories have been put forth concerning the relationship of their language, including that they spoke a Uto-Aztecan, Tanoan, or Athabaskan (Apache) language. The scant facts about their language indicate that they spoke the same language as the Jano and Jocome peoples who lived to their west. The evidence that exists indicates they spoke a Uto-Aztecan language related to the Cahitan languages of northwestern Mexico.

The first account of the Mansos is from the expedition of Spanish explorer Antonio de Espejo in January 1583. Traveling up the Rio Grande in search of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, Espejo encountered a people he called Tampachoas below El Paso. "We found a great number of people living near some lagoons through the midst of which the Rio del Norte [Rio Grande] flows. These people, who must have numbered more than a thousand men and women, and who were settled in their rancherias and grass huts, came out to receive us…Each one brought us his present of mesquite bean…fish of many kinds, which are very plentiful in these lagoons, and other kinds of food…During the three days and nights we were there they continually performed …dances in their fashion, as well as after the manner of the Mexicans."

However, The Chamuscado and Rodriguez Expedition had passed by the same lagoons in July 1581 and had found them uninhabited. The inference is that the Manso were nomadic, living only part of the year along the Rio Grande and passing the remainder of the year hunting and gathering food in the surrounding deserts and mountains. They seemed to have lived along the Rio Grande from El Paso northward to Las Cruces, New Mexico and in the nearby mountains. They may have shared their range with the Suma who's history parallels closely.

Espejo's Tampachoas were probably the same people who Juan de Oñate found in the same area fifteen years later in May 1598 and called Mansos. Onate and his large expedition forded the Rio Grande near Socorro, Texas assisted by 40 "manxo" Indians. Manso meant “gentle" or "docile" in Spanish. Their name for themselves is unknown.

In 1630, a Spanish priest described the Mansos as people "who do not have houses, but rather pole structures. Nor do they sow; they do not dress in anything particular; but all are nude and only the women cover themselves from the waist down with deer skins." In 1663, a Spaniard said of them, "The nation of Manso Indians is so barbarous and uncultivated that all its members go naked and, although the country is very cold, they have no houses in which to dwell, but live under the trees, not even knowing how to till the land for their food." The Mansos were also said to eat fish and meat raw. But they were described somewhat favorably as "a robust people, tall, and with good features, although they take pride in bedaubing themselves with powder of different colors which makes them look very ferocious."

During the 1660s, hundreds of Mansos had converted to Christianity. The Spanish established a mission among the Mansos but they were of minor concern until the 1680s when the survivors of the Pueblo Revolt in New Mexico took refuge in the new settlement of El Paso. In El Paso the Manso established close relations with the refugee Piro and Tiwa (Tigua) Indians. The stress on the region of supporting the 2,000 Spanish and Indian refugees was doubtless considerable and the Manso soon belied their “peaceful” name. The Manso living at the Mission may have been a minority of the tribe as they were also mentioned as being "trouble-makers" along with the Apaches and Sumas still living in the mountains and the deserts.

In 1682, the Governor in El Paso reported that the Manso and the Suma had revolted and attacked Janos. On March 14, 1684, friendly Tiwas and Piros told the Governor Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate of a Manso plot to kill all the Spaniards in El Paso. The Mansos were “tired of everything having to do with God and with the church, which is why they wanted to do what the Indians of New Mexico had done.”  The Spanish took prisoners the ringleaders of the plot, who included an Apache and a Quivira Indian (probably a Wichita). Ten of them were executed and later, in November, the Spanish garrison of 60 men plus friendly Indians was used to attack a gathering of hostile Indians who apparently intended to carry out the plot.

Following the revolt the Manso increasingly melted into the de-tribalized atmosphere of El Paso. Disease and Apache raids decimated their numbers, although many may have joined the Apache. By 1765, El Paso had 2,469 Spanish inhabitants and only 249 Indians, tribes unspecified. In 1883, however, Adolph Bandelier found a dozen families of Mansos living across the Rio Grande from El Paso. The Manso have survived as members of the combined Piro-Manso-Tiwa (PMT) tribe. In the 19th century members of the group migrated to Las Cruces, New Mexico from where members helped found the Pueblo of Guadalupe in 1910. There are two groups claiming descent from the Mission Indians of Paso del Norte who have applied for federal recognition as an Indian Tribe: the Piro/Manso/Tiwa Tribe of San Juan de Guadalupe and the Piro/Manso/Tiwa Tribe of Guadalupe. In 2000, there were 206 members of the PMT tribe of San Juan de Guadalupe.





OC


Kin 130: White Cosmic Dog


I endure in order to love
Transcending loyalty
I seal the process of heart
With the cosmic tone of presence
I am guided by the power of timelessness.



Telektonon is the distant, far -traveling code of information received from spirits and deities
dwelling within the Earth.*


*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.







The Sacred Tzolk'in 





Svadhistana Chakra (Kali Plasma)




Wednesday, April 27, 2016

Red Crystal Moon/ Red Electric Dragon - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 24







Yumas. In: "United States and Mexican Boundary Survey. Report of William H. Emory…" Washington. 1857. Volume I.





The Quechan (or Yuma) (Quechan: Kwtsaan 'those who descended') are a Native American tribe who live on the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation on the lower Colorado River in Arizona and California just north of the Mexican border. Members are enrolled into the Quechan Tribe of the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation. The federally recognized Quechan tribe's main office is located in Fort Yuma, Arizona. Its operations and the majority of its reservation land are located in California, United States.

The term Patayan is used by archaeologists to describe the prehistoric Native American cultures who inhabited parts of modern day Arizona, California and Baja California. These areas included territory near the Colorado River Valley, the nearby uplands, and north to the vicinity of the Grand Canyon. The prehistoric people may have been ancestral to the Quechan. They practiced floodplain agriculture where possible, but relied heavily on hunting and gathering. Subgroups include the River Yuman, Delta–Californian, and Upland California.

The historic Yuman-speaking people in this region were skilled warriors and active traders, maintaining exchange networks with the Pima in southern Arizona and with peoples of the Pacific coast. The first significant contact of the Quechan with Europeans was with the Spanish explorer Juan Bautista de Anza and his party in the winter of 1774. Relations were friendly. On Anza's return from his second trip to Alta California in 1776, the chief of the tribe and three of his men journeyed to Mexico City to petition the Viceroy of New Spain for the establishment of a mission. The chief Palma and his three companions were baptized in Mexico City on February 13, 1777. Palma was given the Spanish baptismal name Salvador Carlos Antonio.

Spanish settlement among the Quechan did not go smoothly; the tribe rebelled from July 17–19, 1781 and killed four priests and thirty soldiers. They also attacked and damaged the Spanish mission settlements of San Pedro y San Pablo de Bicuñer and Puerto de Purísima Concepción, killing many. The following year, the Spanish retaliated with military action against the tribe.

After the United States annexed the territories after winning the Mexican-American War, it engaged in the Yuma War from 1850 to 1853. During which, the historic Fort Yuma was built across the Colorado River from the present day Yuma, Arizona.

Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially (see population of Native California). Alfred L. Kroeber (1925:883) put the 1770 population of the Quechan at 2,500. Jack D. Forbes (1965:341–343) compiled historical estimates and suggested that before they were first contacted, the Quechan had numbered 4,000 or a few more.

Kroeber estimated the population of the Quechan in 1910 as 750. By 1950, there were reported to be just under 1,000 Quechan living on the reservation and another 1,100+ off it (Forbes 1965:343). The 2000 census reported a resident population of 2,376 persons on the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation, only 56.8 percent of whom said they were of solely Native American heritage. More than 27 percent identified as white.




MULUC



Kin 129: Red Crystal Moon


I dedicate in order to purify
Universalizing flow
I seal the process of universal water
With the crystal tone of cooperation
I am guided by the power of birth.



Consciousness exists independent of biology.*



*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.






The Sacred Tzolk'in




Ajna Chakra (Gamma Plasma)





Tuesday, April 26, 2016

Yellow Spectral Star/ Yellow Lunar Sun - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 23








Qahatika Girl, Edward Curtis, ca 1908.





The Qahatika (or Kohatk) were a Native American tribe of the Southwestern United States. They were apparently a sub-tribe of the Tohono O'Odham, and lived in the vicinity of present-day Quijotoa, Arizona.

About forty miles due south of the Pima reservation, in five small villages, one sees a type of the true desert Indian — the Qahátika. When or why they separated from their Pima kindred on the Gila and wandered into this inhospitable desert is a question on which even Indian tradition is vague. Many years ago, they say, the Pima were living at Akichính, near the Picacho, when a large party of Apache made war on them and drove them away. The greater part went to the Gila and established the settlement at Sacaton; others, the ancestors of the Qahatika, went into the desert and made their homes there. One traversing this region would have cause to wonder how a human being could wrest from so barren a land the necessities of life. It is only the life of meager requirement that could exist here; fortunately it is a land of warmth and sunshine, requiring little clothing. In primitive days, when the struggle was hardest, the men wore merely a loin-cloth, and the women a short skirt of yucca fibre. By gleaning the whole desert of its plant and animal products they managed to eke out an existence, becoming in time not only satisfied, but quite attached to their desolate, inhospitable surroundings. When asked why they do not go to the river valleys, where they might have good farms and live in plenty, their answer is that their home is the best; that they do not have sickness as do the River Indians. 

Their never-ending struggle with the hostile desert seems to have left its mark on the Qahatika and has made them as repellent as the thorny vegetation itself. No vestige of the courtesy of the Pima or the Papago is seen among them, and mentally they are decidedly inferior. Not only is this noticeable to the visitor, but it is recognized by the kindred tribes and accounted for by the Papago in their creation myth. They still depend mainly upon the natural food supply, such as mesquite pods and cactus fruits. In locating their villages they selected spots where the natural drainage of a large area concentrates, hence they depend wholly on storm water for their crops. Theirs might well be termed “dry farming.” If there is no natural rise of ground about their little fields, a low embankment is thrown up to retain the flood water of the winter rains. The soft, loose soil absorbs moisture to a great depth, and a few heavy winter rains assure the Qahatika of a fair crop. They plant wheat in December, and harvest in May or June. It is cut with the sickle, and threshed in the Southwestern mode, by driving horses over the loose grain spread on the ground.

In appearance and habits the Qahatika are almost identical with the Pima and the Papago. Though different materials are used in the making of their houses, the form is the same. Mesquite, cottonwood, and willow provide an abundance of building material for the river tribes, but these mid-desert lovers depend solely on the woody ribs of the giant cactus. When the cactus tree dies, the pulpy tissue desiccates, leaving what looks like a bundle of weather-bleached poles. One cannot help wondering how these Indians would have managed if Nature had made the giant cactus with a solid trunk. Here at the rock-strewn foot of the desert mountain, where scarcely any other form of vegetable life seems able to exist, provident Nature permits this variety of cactus to flourish, and to furnish unlimited quantities of food as well as material for the building of habitable houses. Qahatika handicraft shows considerable skill, particularly in pottery, many forms of which are made. All household utensils are of their own manufacture, besides which many small pieces are made for barter.

Some examples are evidently copies of commercial ware, but many show true primitive feeling in form as well as in decoration. These Indians model, polish the ware, burn it to its rich red color, then
decorate and re-burn it. The paint for decorating is obtained by boiling chips of mesquite wood to a syrup, which is applied with a brush made by chewing a strip of yucca leaf. In the burning, the painted designs turn a brilliant black, making a very pleasing contrast with the bright red color of the ware. The Qahatika also make many excellent baskets of the usual Pima form and designs.

www.wikipedia.com
www.worldwisdom.com




LAMAT



Kin 128: Yellow Spectral Star


I dissolve in order to beautify
Releasing art
I seal the store of elegance
With the spectral tone of liberation
I am guided by my own power doubled.



Thinking layers are strata in the ocean of consciousness which interpenetrate various dimensions.*



*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.






The Sacred Tzolk'in 





Muladhara Chakra (Seli Plasma)




Monday, April 25, 2016

Blue Planetary Hand/ Blue Magnetic Storm - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 22






A watercolor by Lino S·nchez y Tapia published in The Indians of Texas in 1830 by Jean Louis Berlandier, John C. Ewers, ed., Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D. C. (1969), P1. 15.


Karankawa Indians of the Gulf Coast.




The Karankawa Indians were a group of Indian Tribes that lived along the Texas Coast. Ironically, by the year 1860, on the eve of the American Civil War, they had been completely exterminated. There are lagoons, or bays, spread out along the Texas Coast where the Karankawa made their camp sites; mainly because the bottoms were mostly smooth and the water was shallow. These waters enabled them to go out into the pools and in the clear, slowly ebbing water taking the fish and oysters they desired.

THE KARANKAWAS inhabited the Gulf coast from Galveston down to Corpus Christi, mainly coastal prairie grassland, cut by streams and occasional forests. Cabeza de Vaca described the Karankawas as tall (6 ft common), well-built, muscular, the men stark naked, with lower lip and nipples pierced, covered in alligator grease (against mosquitoes), happy and generous, with amazing physical prowess. "... they go naked in the most burning sun ....- in winter they go out in early dawn to take a bath ... breaking the ice with their bodies..."

From the gulf waters - using dugout canoes - they took oysters, clams, scallops, mollusks, turtles, fish, porpoises, alligators and underwater plants. Deer were hunted, occasional buffalo, bear, peccary, smaller mammals, ducks. Berries, nuts, seeds and other plants were gathered. No foods were continuously plentiful, when the harvest was good they gorged to repletion. In spring they might subsist exclusively on oysters, "then for a month they ate blackberries". 

Fires for cooking were built in willow pole shelters. Trade with the inland tribes: conch shells in exchange for skins, red ocher, flint, and deer hair (for tassels).

The now-extinct Karankawa Indians played an important role in the early history of Texas. The name Karankawa became the accepted designation for several groups or bands of coastal people who shared a common language and culture. Those bands, identified in early historic times, included the Capoques (Coaques, Cocos), Kohanis, Kopanes (Copanes), and Karankawa proper (Carancaquacas). They inhabited the Gulf Coast of Texas from Galveston Bay southwestward to Corpus Christi Bay. All spoke a little-known language called Karankawa, and only about 100 words of that language have been preserved. The significance of the name Karankawa has not been definitely established, although it is generally believed to mean "dog-lovers" or "dog-raisers." That translation seems plausible, since the Karankawas reportedly kept dogs that were described as a fox-like or coyote-like breed. The Karankawas were poorly equipped, nomadic people who migrated seasonally between the barrier islands and the mainland. Their movements were dictated primarily by the availability of food and secondarily by climate. They obtained food by a combination of hunting, fishing, and gathering. Fish, shellfish, and turtles were staples of the Karankawa diet, but a wide variety of animals and plants contributed to their sustenance.

The first of the Europeans to encounter the Karankawa were the Spaniards. A group led by Panfilo de Narvaez left Spain in 1527, sent by Charles V to conquer and settle Florida. He reached the Florida west Coast near Tampa Bay in April 1528. Narvaez split his forces into two groups, one by sea and the other by land to Appalache. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca was treasurer of the expedition, which was the inland party; he disagreed with the split. Narvaez marched inland where his forces suffered from Indian attacks and lack of food. When the land force did not appear on schedule, the ships sailed away back to Spain, leaving Narvaez and Cabeza de Vaca stranded. The expedition built crude boats to carry them to Panuco in Mexico. The year was still 1528 when they set out to Mexico with about 100 men. They met with rough water where Narvaez was washed out to sea in a storm near the south Texas Coast. The boats ran aground on the island of Malhado near the present day Galveston, Texas, with about 80 survivors. The Spaniards began on the Texas Coast with a cold winter, raw enough to kill all but fifteen men. Those who survived turned to and devoured the corpses of their dead. The accounts of what happen rest with Cabeza de Vaca, simply because he lived to tell the story. He resided on Malhado for a time, then escaped to the main land, where he was a trader and a slave of the Karankawa. 

The problem he had with the Karankawa is they would alternately love and despise him, depending on their mood. In February 1529 the Indians, probably the Coco tribe, which had Cabeza de Vaca in tow, moved inland from Malhado Island. The drinking water was bad, there was little fire wood, and the mosquitoes were in heavy concentrations, but the Oysters were abundant in the bays. Cabeza de Vaca's life was made miserable due to the fact he was forced to work hard pulling edible roots from the water where they grew. His fingers became tender and would bleed. Cabeza de Vaca said that these were the cruelest Indians he met. It was here he fell ill. When he regained his strength he escaped to the Charruco tribe. This Tribe he said was much kinder. 

The Karankawa had a strong love and affection for their children. When a child died the entire Tribe mourned for a year, at dawn, noon, and sunset they performed their mourning rite. If a Son or Brother died the family would mourn for a month, and remain in seclusion, refusing to get food. Other Tribe members would bring food to the family. This practice could have been carried to the extremes if a member of every family had died. There is little known about the Karankawa religious beliefs except for their festivals and Mitote, a ceremony performed after a great victory in battle. The festivals were performed during a full moon, after a successful hunting or fishing expedition in a large tent with a burning fire in the middle.

The Karankawa lived along the "coastal bend" of Texas. The coastal bend starts at the west end of Galveston Island and extends southwest down to Corpus Christi. It has several large, shallow bays that reach miles inland and long narrow barrier islands that protect lagoons between the islands and the mainland. The Karankawa lived around these bays and along the lagoons, mostly in the winter. These bays and lagoons supported a rich variety of wildlife. There were many kinds of fish and oysters in the salt water and brackish water. Most of these bays have large rivers that empty into them, such as the Colorado and the Guadalupe. There are also many large creeks in the coastal bend along with swamps and bayous and wetlands. There are many kinds of ducks and waterfowl in this environment. Alligators and large turtles are also found in wetlands and swamps. Just inland there are deer and turkey along with rabbits. In the spring and early summer there are blackberries and many other kinds of plants and roots to eat.

www.indigenouspeople.net






MANIK



Kin 127: Blue Planetary Hand


I perfect in order to know
Producing healing
I seal the store of accomplishment
With the planetary tone of manifestation
I am guided by the power of vision.



That which appears to be the outcome you determine for your life and fate also corresponds to a higher plan already in motion.*



*Star Travelers' 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.









 The Sacred Tzolk'in






Sahasrara Chakra (Dali Plasma)





Sunday, April 24, 2016

White Solar World-Bridger/ White Cosmic Mirror - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 21







Pecos Glazeware bowl from the early Spanish era, displayed in the Park museum.
 It is described as a "serpent figure."




Pecos Indians (from P’e’-a-ku’, the Keresan name of the pueblo). Formerly the largest and most populous of the pueblos of New Mexico in historic times, occupied by a people speaking the same language of the Tanoan family, with dialectic variations, as that of Jemez; situated on an upper branch of Pecos River, about 30 miles south east of Santa Fe. In prehistoric times the Pecos people occupied numerous pueblos containing from 200 to 300 rooms each, and many compactly built single-story house groups of from 10 to 50 rooms each. These were scattered along the valley from the north end of Cañon de Pecos grant to Anton Chico, a distance of 40 miles.

At the time of the arrival of the first Spaniards under Coronado, in 1540, the tribe had become concentrated in the great communal structure popularly known as Pecos. According to Bandelier, the Pecos declare that they came into their valley from the south east, but that they originated in the north and shifted across the Rio Grande, occupying successively the pueblos now in ruins at San Jose and Kingman previous to locating at their final settlement.

The principal pueblo of the tribe, according to the same authority, was Tshiquité, or Tziquité (the pueblo of Pecos), which he identifies with the Acuique, Cicuic, Cicuye, etc., of the early Spanish chroniclers. Gatschet1, however, records Sikuyé as an Isleta name of Pecos pueblo, and as the Isleta People are Tigua and Coronado went from Tiguex (Tigua) province directly to Pecos in 1540, it seems more likely that Cicuye in its various forms was the Tigua name of Pecos pueblo in the 16th century. Bandelier thinks it possible that the ruins at Las Ruedas and El Gusano are those of pueblos also occupied by the Pecos people contemporaneously with their principal town at the time of the Spanish advent, and, in deed, Zarate-Salmeron, about 1629, mentions that the tribe at that date occupied also the pueblo of Tuerto, near the present Golden.

At the time of Coronado’s visit Pecos contained 2,000 to 2,500 inhabitants. It consisted of two great communal dwellings, built on the terrace plan, each 4 stories high, and containing 585 and 517 rooms respectively in its ground plan. Two Franciscan friars remained there after Coronado’s departure in 1542, but both were probably killed before the close of the year. Pecos was visited also by Espejo in 1583, Castañode Sosa in 1590-91, and Oñate in 1598, the last calling it Santiago. During the governorship of Oñate the first permanent missionaries were assigned to Pecos, and the great church, so long a landmark on the Santa Fe trail, was erected about 1617. The pueblo suffered severely first at the hands of the Querecho, or Apache of the plains, and after 1700 through raids by the Comanche.

In the revolts of 1680-96 against Spanish authority Pecos played an important part, and its actual decline may be said to have begun at this time. In 1760 Galisteo visited its mission, and, including the latter pueblo, Pecos contained 599 inhabitants in that year. In 1782, however, the Pecos mission was abandoned, its people being ministered to by a priest from Santa Fé. Its population had dwindled to 152 in 1790-93, probably due to a Comanche raid in which nearly every man in the tribe was killed. 

Epidemics, brought about by the proximity of the cemetery to the source of water supply, also hastened the diminution of the Pecos people. In 1805 they were reduced to 104, and in 1838 the pueblo was abandoned. The 17 survivors moved to Jemez, where there are now perhaps 25 Indians of Pecos blood, only one of whom, however, was born at the mother pueblo. The names of Pecos ruins, so far as recorded, are Kuuanguala, Pomojoua, San José, Seyupa, and Tonchuun.

www.accessgenealogy.com




CIMI



Kin 126: White Solar World-Bridger


I pulse in order to equalize
Realizing opportunity
I seal the store of death
With the solar tone of intention
I am guided by the power of spirit.



Noosphere Pause: Day 273 (91 x 3) of the 13 Moon year.  Any manifestation is an image or vision synchronized by the synchronic order.*



*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.






The Sacred Tzolk'in 




Anahata Chakra (Silio Plasma)





Saturday, April 23, 2016

Red Galactic Serpent/ Red Crystal Earth - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 20








Elk Foot of the Pueblo Tribe, painting by E. Irving Couse, 1909.




Piro Pueblo /ˈpɪroʊ/: The Piros (not to be confused with the Piros of the Ucayali basin in Peru) were a Native American Pueblo people that lived in a number of pueblos in the Rio Grande Valley around modern Socorro, New Mexico, USA. The now extinct Piro language was in the family of Tiwa languages. Whether voluntarily or not, some Piros were hospitable to the first Spanish colonists who arrived in 1598. As a result, the Spanish gave first one, then another, Piro pueblo the name Socorro, which means aid or help (in case of problems or difficulties).

In later years, however, the Piros like most other Pueblo groups suffered increasingly from the strains of colonial rule. Local rebellions broke out on several occasions in the 1660s and 70s, but the Spaniards always retained the upper hand. By the time of the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, the Piro communities had declined to such an extent that the famous rebellion took place without them. Several hundred Piros accompanied (again voluntarily or not) the fleeing Spaniards south to El Paso del Norte (present-day Ciudad Juárez, Mexico); others scattered and joined other Pueblo groups. None of the Piro pueblos was ever resettled by the original inhabitants.

Very little is known about the Piros. Currently there is an archaeological excavation which is actively pursued annually in June and July, in a location near Luis Lopez, five miles south of present-day Socorro.




CHICCHAN




Kin 125: Red Galactic Serpent


I harmonize in order to survive
Modeling instinct
I seal the store of life force
With the galactic tone of integrity
I am guided by the power of universal water.



A new world awaits us on the other side of the historical mind stream.*



*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.








 The Sacred Tzolk'in





Manipura Chakra (Limi Plasma)




Friday, April 22, 2016

Yellow Resonant Seed/ Yellow Spectral Warrior - Planetary Dog Moon of Manifestation, Day 19







Kaviu, a Pima elder, photographed circa 1907 by Edward S. Curtis.




The Pima /ˈpiːmə (or Akimel O'odham, also spelled Akimel O'otham, "River People", formerly known as Pima) are a group of Native Americans living in an area consisting of what is now central and southern Arizona. Currently, the majority population of the surviving two bands of the Akimel O'odham are based in two reservations: the Keli Akimel O'otham on the Gila River Indian Community (GRIC) and the On'k Akimel O'odham on the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community (SRPMIC). They are also closely related to other river people, the Ak-Chin O'odham, now forming the Ak-Chin Indian Community, and the Sobaipuri, whose descendants still reside on the San Xavier Indian Reservation or Wa:k (together with the Tohono O'odham) and in the Salt River Indian Community. Together with the kindred Tohono O'odham ("Desert People", formerly known as Papagos) of Eastern Papagueria and the Hia C-ed O'odham ("Sand Dune People", formerly known as Sand Papagos) of the Western Papagueria they form the Upper O'otham or Upper Pima (also known as Pima Alto).

The short name, "Pima" is believed to have come from the phrase pi 'añi mac or pi mac, meaning "I don't know," used repeatedly in their initial meetings with Europeans.

The Akimel O'Otham (anthropologically known as the Pima) are a subgroup of the Upper O'otham or Upper Pima (also known as Pima Alto) whose lands were known in Spanish as Pimería Alta. These groups are culturally related. They are thought to be culturally descended from the group archaeologically known as the Hohokam. The term Hohokam is a derivative of the O'otham word "Huhugam" (pronounced hoo-hoo-gahm) which is literally translated as "those who have gone before" but meaning "The Ancestors".

The Akimel O'otham lived along the Gila River, Salt River, Yaqui River, and Sonora River in ranchería-style villages. The villages were set up as a loose group of houses with familial groups sharing a central ramada and kitchen area with brush olaski's (round houses) surrounding. The O'otham are matrilocal, and familial groups tended to consist of extended families. The Akimel O'otham also lived in temporary field houses seasonally, to tend their crops.

The O'odham language variously called Oʼodham ñeʼokĭ, Oʼodham ñiʼokĭ or Oʼotham ñiok is spoken by all O'odham groups. There are certain dialectal differences, but despite these all O'odham groups can understand one another. There are also some lexicographical differences, especially in reference to newer technologies and innovations.

The economy of the Akimel O'otham was primarily dependent on subsistence, and consisted of farming, hunting and gathering, although there was extensive trading as well. Farming was dependent on an extensive irrigation system that was constructed in prehistoric times[6] and remains in use today. Over time canal systems were built and rebuilt according to the needs of the communities. The Akimel O'otham were experts in the area of textiles and produced intricate baskets as well as woven cloth. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, their primary military rival were the Apache and Yavapai, who raided their villages at times due to competition for resources, although they also established friendly relations with the Apache. Although the Akimel O'otham did have conflicts with other groups they are thought to have been primarily a peaceable people, because they never attacked Euro-American settlers and they were most well known for their aid to immigrants. They did, however, participate in a war cult and had a well-developed battle strategy. Akimel O'otham peoples are also very resilient warriors but only fight when necessary. A specific gene in the Warrior blood allows starvation for prolonged periods of time to be tolerated.The settlement of the city of Phoenix could not have been possible, if not for the Akimel O'otham people defending against the Apache.

The Akimel O'Odham ("River People") have lived on the banks of the Gila River and Salt River since long before European contact.

Their way of life (himdagĭ, sometimes rendered in English as Him-dag) was and is centered on the river, which is considered holy. The term Him-dag should be clarified, as it does not have a direct translation into the English language, and is not limited to reverence of the river. It encompasses a great deal because O'odham him-dag intertwines religion, morals, values, philosophy, and general world view which are all interconnected. Their world view/religious beliefs are centered on the natural world, and this is pervasive throughout their culture.

The Gila and Salt Rivers are currently dry, due to the (San Carlos Irrigation project) upstream dams that block the flow and the diversion of water by non-native farmers. This has been a cause of great upset among all of the O'otham. The upstream diversion in combination with periods of drought, led to lengthy periods of famine that were a devastating change from the documented prosperity the people had experienced until non-native settlers engaged in more aggressive farming in areas that were traditionally used by the Akimel O'otham and Apache in Eastern Arizona. This abuse of water rights was the impetus for a nearly century long legal battle between the Gila River Indian Community and the United States government, which was settled in favor of the Akimel O'otham and signed into law by George W. Bush in December 2005. As a side note, at times during the monsoon season the Salt River runs, albeit at low levels. In the weeks after December 29, 2004, when an unexpected winter rainstorm flooded areas much further upstream (in Northern Arizona), water was released through dams on the river at rates higher than at any time since the filling of Tempe Town Lake in 1998, and was a cause for minor celebration in the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community. The Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community (SRPMIC) was established on June 14, 1879, and is made of two very distinct Native American tribes: The Pima and the Maricopa. The diversion of the water and the introduction of non-native diet had devastating effects on the health of the people as well. This is said to have been the leading contributing factor in the high rate of diabetes among the Akimel O'otham tribe.

From age ten until the time of marriage, neither boys nor girls were allowed to speak their own names. The Pima Indians believed this would bring bad luck to the children and their future. The names of deceased people were not to be uttered as well. The word or words in the name however are not dropped from the language. Children were given careful oral instruction in moral, religious and other matters. In addition, set speeches, which recited portions of cosmic myth, were a feature of many ceremonies and were especially important in the preparation for war. These speeches were adapted for each occasion but the general context was the same.


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KAN



Kin 124: Yellow Resonant Seed


I channel in order to target
Inspiring awareness
I seal the input of flowering
With the resonant tone of attunement
I am guided by the power of intelligence.



The purpose of physical /emotional purification is to attune with the pure electronic plane of the fifth-dimensional being.*



*Star Traveler's 13 Moon Almanac of Synchronicity, Galactic Research Institute, Law of Time Press, Ashland, Oregon, 2015-2016.





The Sacred Tzolk'in 




Visshudha Chakra (Alpha Plasma)